THE ROLE OF THE SLFP
The UNP may be thinking that it has played its cards correct up to now having deproscribed the LTTE even with the "blessings" of the Mahanayake Theros. The Mahanayake Theros at this rate would even bless the LTTE and Prabhakaran who bombed Dalada Maligawa and would say that they are only following the Buddha and are only "invoking" Mahanayake Karuna following the Mahakaruna (translated into English as universal compassion by some of the English educated "intellectuals") of Buddha. I am glad that now we could get on with our work without all these trips to Kandy to obtain the blessings of the Mahanayake Theros as they have been exposed after the Mahanayake Karuna. I must say as far as the "popular politics" (whether it is politics that matter is a different question) is concerned the UNP has done well this time, first silencing the Kotte Nikaya and then getting their support and now getting the blessings of the Mahanayake Theros as well for the so-called peace talks. So after all the Buddhist Bhikkus have not betrayed Buddhism and would the learned sociologists now rewrite their books on Buddhism Betrayed and the Role of the kings? Anyhow some of the ordinary people whom I met in Rathgama, Hikkaduwa and Dodanduwa over the weekend were already talking of the Mahanayake Karuna. By the way no one should come to the conclusion that the ordinary people have another Mahanayake Thero by the name Karuna or that they have "awarded" a Mahanayakeship to the LTTE Batticoloa leader Karuna. The Sinhala Buddhists in the villages (the villages, towns, cities and civilisations are defined by the western "intellectuals" and some of the third raters who introduce these definitions, concepts and theories to the local audiences may not agree that there are still villages in Sri Lanka. However, fortunately the villagers are not worried about these definitions) unlike the townsfolk who dabble in English, have not lost their originality and Mahanayake Karuna is their latest contribution to the Sinhala Buddhism! Let us leave to the English educated in the towns to translate Mahanayake Karuna into English. Perhaps the British Council could help them.
The UNP were to stage its Jana Bala Meheyuma on Monday and as I am writing this column before the event I am not in a position to comment on it. The Jana Bala Meheyuma was organised to show the strength of the UNP to the SLFP, PA and the President and I would expect it to be counter productive. The UNP may have also tried to show that not only the Mahanayake Theros but even the Sinhala Buddhist Podiyans in the villages have their podi karuna towards the LTTE. In any event the timing for the Jana Bala Meheyuma (JBM) was not too bad though the outcome would be counter productive. The SLFP or the PA would not be fooled by the JBM and though the SLFP is not in a position to organise its own JBM it would not concern them very much.
The PA parliamentary group that met on Friday was more concerned with the 19th amendment than with the lifting of the LTTE ban or the JBM and they know that all these JBMs come to nought when the government fails to get the two third majority for all the amendments to the constitution that they want to introduce to the Parliament. The oppositon thinks that the survival of the SLFP as a party depends on the outcome of the eighteenth and the nineteenth amendments and not on the lifting of the ban on the LTTE or the Eelam talks that are supposed begin on the 16th in Thailand.
The SLFP and hence the PA appear to have made up their minds over the eighteenth and the nineteenth amendments. They will oppose them in the Parliament and make sure that the government does not get the required two third majority. There are no twenty three MPs who would cross the floor and vote with the government on these two crucial amendments. According to the opposition circles at most four MPs would vote with the government. With all the Mahanayake Kuranas and the JBMs the eighteenth and the nineteenth amendments most probably would not become part of the constitution of the democratic socialist republic of Sri Lanka.
However the SLFP and the PA have not taken a firm stand on the so called peace talks and the lifting of the ban on the LTTE. The SLFP is not sure of itself and are only making inconsistent statements. They claim that they are for "peace" talks in principle but are against "peace" talks without an agenda or that do not take up the core issues. At the same time they claim that they do not approve the deproscription before the so-called peace talks begin. They were also thinking of sending a representative of the President to Thailand for the Eelam talks. Now if they are against "peace" talks without an agenda then they cannot decide to send a representative of the President for these Eelam talks. Now the government has lifted the LTTE ban even before the Thailand talks have begun and they should not be in position to take part in the Eelam talks in any capacity.
The SLFP is in this position due to its "peace" policy. The SLFP of Ms. Kumaratunga is for so called peace and for the infamous package and they are still for "peace" and for talks. The government has capitulated to the LTTE and the west and now they are not in a position to turn back. However, the SLFP is not in that position and the JBMs would if at all force the SLFP to take up a stand on "peace" and "peace talks." The government and the LTTE sometime ago said the so-called peace talks were unconditional. However, the LTTE put forward their demands one by one and the government has been giving into these demands with pressure from the west. The LTTE said that it would not insist on the deproscription but later it was made a pre requisite for talks. The Prime Minister and the leaders of the government met the Mahanayake Theros to assure them that the government would not lift the ban before the "peace" talks. These assurances have been totally ignored by the government as well as the Mahanayake Theros and the government finally lifted the ban well in advance of the Eelam talks.
What did the LTTE want to achieve with the deproscription. They claimed that they did not want to participate in the Eelam talks as an unequal partner. They wanted to be an equal partner. What is meant by being an equal partner for an organisation that has a police force, an army recognised by the MOU, banks, an "Inland revenue department" that taxes people with Mr. Choksy the Finance Minister not knowing anything about these extortions. It is unfair for the opposition to expect Mr. Choksy to know what is happening in the other countries with respect to the financial policies. In effect after the MOU between the government and the LTTE a situation of dual power was created in the eyes of the LTTE. The LTTE having won all these in a matter of 160 days, that they could not gain through a "war" of more than twenty years, wanted to participate at the Eelam talks as another government. When the LTTE says that it is an equal partner with the Sri Lankan government the terrorists mean that their organisation is equal to a government. The government has capitulated and agreed to that demand as well.
The LTTE would next ask the Sri Lankan government to withdraw its forces from the northern province and the eastern province. The attack on the Point Pedro camp by the students of Hartley College and Methodist College in Jaffna should be an eye opener to those with eyes. Unfortunately the government has neither eyes nor ears (I do not know what they have.) and it would not read these signals. The government would first say that the army would not be withdrawn but finally with the blessings of the Maha Sangha and the others interviewed by the various TV channels, the army would be asked to leave the northern and the eastern provinces. That would be the end as far as the dual power is concerned except for the payment of the salaries of the public sector and the corporations sector employees.
The LTTE would oppose an agenda. It wants to first talk of roads and culverts. Having started these talks on culverts it would quietly introduce the concept of development of the north and the east. Since the government has already started culvert talks which are after all connected with development, it would have to agree on development talks. The "development" could take place only with power and the LTTE would want to change the nomenclature once more and call them talks on power. Very soon having started the culvert talks the government would be tied down to Eelam talks.
These talks are meaningless. The Tamil racists that include the LTTE claim that there are injustices to the Tamils. It is the Tamils in the whole country that are burdened with these "injustices" according to the Tamil racists. If that is the case then the LTTE and the government should be talking on how to solve those problems that are said to be common to all the Tamils in Sri Lanka. How can culvert talks confined to the culverts in the east and the north address the so called injustices of the Tamils. The culverts have to be built not only in the east and the north but also in the central province where the Mahanayake Theros reside.
The SLFP has to take a firm against this betrayal in the name of peace. If they do not take a stand against the so called peace talks then it would be the end of the party. The JBMs could be ignored even if five hundred thousand are brought to Colombo. The SLFP still has a mass base and the party would lose it if they do not oppose the Eelam talks. They also have to make sure that no representative is sent for the Eelam talks and that the talks do not have any legal status.
Professor Nalin de Silva
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