CHANDRIKA , THE SLFP AND THE JVP
The strategy of the non-national forces including the west and all those so-called students of Sri Lankan politics is becoming more and more clear. Before the 1994 general elections, some of us felt that the non-national forces did everything possible to import Ms. Chandrika Kumaratunga and make her the leader of the SLFP led coalition in order to change the "policies" of the party formed by Mr. S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike. We also knew that the western forces supported the PA at that election as that party under the new leadership of the widow of Vijaya Kumartunga, was determined to bring in legislation to make Sri Lanka first a federal state and then a confederation. G. L. Peiris was essentially brought into the SLFP with the assistance of people such as the late Neelan Thiruchelvam, in order to assist Ms. Kumaratunga in the drafting of a new constitution. At the 1994 general elections the Church that has traditionally supported the UNP changed sides and supported the PA for the first time. We believed that the anti national forces gathered around the PA at that time with the intention of putting Ms. Kumaratunga in power, with the intention of appeasing the Tamil racists.
The UNP had been the party of the non-national forces and they were expected to support the package when it was introduced by the SLFP, the traditional party of the Sinhalathva and the rest in the coalition. However, the cardinal error of the PA (whether a "Cardinal" advised the PA or not we do not know) was to publish a draft of the package in 1995, soon after it came to power, and to allow a discussion among the public. The national forces had time to organise themselves, and get ready for the battle with the government when the bill to adopt a federal constitution was finally introduced into the Parliament. However, the calculations of the non-national forces were in error. They had expected the UNP to support any amendment to the constitution, that would have appeased the Tamil racists. This was not to be and from the very beginning the rank and file of the UNP opposed the package. They were allowed to take part in various activities of the "National Joint Committee" (NJC), and such other organisations and this would not have happened if not for the tacit help and encouragement given by the party leadership. It is not known why the UNP leadership decided to oppose the "package" and the amendment to the constitution, which was not against the general policies of the UNP, the party of the non-national forces. It was most probably due to personal reasons, that the UNP at that stage encouraged their members to participate in the activities of the national organizations such as the NJC.
The supporters and party members of the UNP took part in the activities of the Sinhala Commission, and some present ministers could be seen at the "elite" temples. (temples where the influential "dayakas" come from the upper middle class, and where the "leading members" of the national organisations met.) There was a genuine need expressed by these "leaders" of the UNP to bring down the PA government, and the package was a God given opportunity for them, though the hierarchy of the Church may have had different ideas. The personal greed came before the expectations of the non-national forces and when it became obvious that the PA government would not be in a position to amend the constitution through the package, the government was brought down with the help of Rauf Hakeem. The non-national forces expected the UNP to win the general elections held in 2000, but the Sinhala people, especially the Sinhala Buddhists, who intuitively knew that in spite of the pretensions of the UNP, it was the party of the non-national forces voted the PA into power. The second PA government was not given much time and before long G. L. Peiris, the chief agent of the non-national forces was found in the ranks of the UNF, together with some disenchanted ministers and MPs from the SLFP. The national forces gathered around Ms. Chandrika Kumaratunga, though they knew that she was not the savior of the Sinhala people and a "probationary government" was formed with the help of the JVP. However, it did not have the required numbers and finally the second PA government had to be dissolved.
At the general elections held subsequently the UNF came to power, though the majority of the Sinhala Buddhists voted for the PA and the JVP. In the PA the non-national forces represented by the LSSP and the CP lost most of their seats, but the policies of Ms. Chandrika Kumaratunga did not change. She represents the policies of the Sri Lanka Mahajana Party (SLMP) and not that of the SLFP, thus eroding the mass base of the party founded by her father. The so called advisors selected by her whether in foreign affairs, education or some other field are not in touch with the policies of the SLFP, and the Norwegian connection as well as the clamour for instructions in English medium in the schools and in the universities are results of the policies followed by her. She could be easily influenced by the western powers and unlike her father and mother, is being dictated by the west.
The non-national forces by making Ms. Chandrika Kumaratunga the leader of the SLFP wanted the PA government to introduce the package and the UNP to support the government. They probably thought that the SLFP being the party of the Sinhalathva, in opposition, would have opposed any move by a UNP (F) government to establish a federal state or a confederation. However, Ms. Kumaratunga is behaving much better than expected by the non-national forces. She is not prepared to antagonise the west. She does not have any policies other than those dictated by the west and those of her so called advisors who are not representatives of the rank and file of the party she is "leading". She is bound to end up destroying the party that her father founded and her mother guided. The SLFP is not in a position to remove her from the leadership due to various reasons. She has also being misguided by her advisors and has by this time proved that she is not the executive President of the country. More by her actions, than by any plans of the "government", she has been reduced to a ceremonial President who cannot even order the government printer to publish a gazette.
She has the power to de-merge the northern and the eastern provinces but she is not prepared to do so, at least at the moment, in spite of a request by the Sinhala people as well as the Muslim community. She is the commander in chief of the armed forces but she is being commanded by the western forces. The so-called MoU is a nothing but an agreement to capitulate to the LTTE, but as President of the country she did not take any action to stop the Norwegians playing the role of new colonial power. Westborg is clearly the Mountbatton of Sri Lanka but Ms. Kumaratunga would not stop his treacherous activities. Instead she very often boasts that it was on her invitation that the Norwegians first came to Sri Lanka as so called facilitators.
The LTTE has established a camp in Kinniya in the so-called government controlled area. Even the MoU is very clear on this and the SLMM, that supports the LTTE, had to state in public that the camp had to be vacated. It is only the "government" including the President, that listens to the missionaries of the SLMM. The LTTE that is more powerful than the SLMM, due to the support given by the west, did not take notice of the request by the latter. The SLMM complained to the Norwegian government, reminding the dispatches of the British governors to the foreign secretary and their majesty in London. The fingerprints of colonialism could be found not only in the British High Commission these days "thanks" mainly to Ms. Chandrika Kumaratunga who by her non action has opted to become a mere ceremonial President. As we said a few weeks ago in these columns the Kinniya camp issue is being quietly forgotten. Did the SLMM get any reply from Oslo? If so what are the instructions of the new colonial masters?
The strategy of the non-national forces this time is not to introduce any package as such, but to give Eelam to the Tamil racists, not necessarily the LTTE, through other means. The LTTE would be given the northern and the eastern provinces in the first instance by the non actions of the "government". The MoU itself has been violated on number of occasions by the LTTE, but no action has been taken by the "government". According to "The Island" the LTTE is gradually acquiring powers in the northern and the eastern provinces while the "government" and the armed forces have been merely watching. Thamilselvan has made the statement of the decade if not of the century when he said that the LTTE does not want war, but they would not vacate the camp in Kinniya. The LTTE is not under pressure to vacate the camp, and they would not have to face a war, as the armed forces would not be given orders to clear the so-called camp. Once the army is converted into a peace-keeping force or a ceremonial army with the real army in the country being the UN forces, who would want a package or a bill in the parliament to establish an Eelam. It is going to be Eelam by de fault.
Lakshman Kadirgamar addressing a group of SLFP lawyers has said that the "peace process" is a threat to the country and an Eelam is imminent. He is supposed to be an eminent lawyer and is an advisor to the President. If Eelam is imminent according to the eminent lawyer, what has he done to prevent an Eelam being established? What happened to the SLFP - JVP alliance that was supposed to be imminent? When the JVP wanted to review the role of the Norwegians who opposed it? Is Mr. Kadirgamar continuing to deceive the Sinhala people with his "polished" statements? Eelam by default could be avoided by the PA and the JVP if they want to do so. Norwegians or the British and the Americans who are behind them could be exposed if the PA and the JVP jointly or separately take action and mobilise the masses against all the treacherous acts by the non national forces. However, if the leader of the SLFP and her advisors resort only to some empty statements without taking any action then they are only deceiving the Sinhala people on behalf of the non national forces. Perhaps they themselves would have to be grouped with the other agents of the non national forces.
If the SLFP is not prepared to take action, the JVP would be forced to go out alone. It could be to the advantage of the party as many SLFPers would support the JVP deserting reluctantly the party of the Sinhalathva. If the JVP is prepared to shed its Marxist credentials it would end up as the party of the Sinhalathva. However, in such an eventuality, all the non national forces would join together to defeat the JVP and the so-called UN peace keeping force would be used to massacre mainly the Sinhala Buddhist youth in the name of keeping peace, and the leadership of the party would have to be very careful in deciding on a course of action. It is clear that there is an attempt to isolate and annihilate the JVP.
Professor Nalin de Silva
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